Literary Criticism by John Derbyshire |
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Happened to Aldous Huxley? [Note added when posting this piece to the web: I mention the fact of Huxley's dying on the same day as John F. Kennedy. I did not know, until my National Review colleague Jeff Hart pointed it out to me, that C.S. Lewis also died on that same day.] Metaphysics is out of fashion.
There is, as department-store sales assistants say, not much call
for it nowadays. The word
“metaphysics” does not even occur in the index of the current
best-seller about human nature, Steven Pinker’s The Blank Slate,
nor does Prof. Pinker’s text betray any interest in the topic. Most of us, if challenged to disclose our metaphysical
beliefs, would probably offer a part-baked dualism.
Yes, certainly there is an outer reality, “the universe,” made
up of material objects whose behavior, thanks to four hundred years of
diligent scientific inquiry, we can understand, or at any rate predict, in
fine detail. And yes, there
is an inner reality, “the self,” comprised of mental
objects about
which science has much less to say, and some irreducible core of which, we
are inclined to think, exists independently of the material world.
Those of us who are up to date with developments in neuroscience,
or who have read Tom Wolfe’s famous article on the subject (“Sorry,
but your soul just died,” in the December 1996 issue of Forbes ASAP)
are uncomfortably aware of the relentlessness with which researchers have
been shrinking the size of that core, but we live in faith that they will
never succeed in eliminating it altogether.
Prof. Pinker, who is very up to date indeed in these matters,
plainly does not share that faith, hence his utter neglect of matters
metaphysical. Living as we do in such an
un-metaphysical age, we are in a poor frame of mind to approach the writer
who said the following thing, and who took it as a premiss for his work
through most of a long literary career.
It
is impossible to live without a metaphysic.
The choice that is given us is not between some kind of metaphysic
and no metaphysic; it is always between a good metaphysic and a bad
metaphysic. Aldous Huxley published his
first book, a collection of poems, in 1916, shortly after his
twenty-second birthday. He
died in November 1963, a few weeks after having brought out his twentieth
book of essays. (He actually died on the day John F. Kennedy was shot.)
At that point Huxley’s published work also included three more
poetry collections, eleven novels, five short story collections, two
travel books, two biographies, a play, some collaborative work on movie
scripts, and a mass of fugitive journalism. It was the essays, though, that were the essential Aldous
Huxley for a large part of his readership.
A star-struck young visitor at the Huxleys’ California house in
1939 wrote that: “I had
been bitterly disappointed with [Huxley’s sixth novel Eyeless in Gaza]
and unsympathetic to religious experiences, but of course it was Aldous of
the Essays,... gentle, inquiring, fascinating, and fascinated too with
every fact, every thought, hesitatingly brought out with the amazed
inflection of his voice...” Huxley’s essays have now
been gathered together in six volumes by Robert S. Baker of the University
of Wisconsin at Madison and James Sexton of Camosun College in British
Columbia. The first volume
appeared two years ago; the
last, covering the years 1956-63, has just come out.
Here, in a uniform edition, are not only the essays Huxley
published in book form, with his two travel books included for good
measure, but also scores of magazine and newspaper pieces previously
accessible to the general reader only with difficulty.
Title notwithstanding, the Complete Essays is not absolutely
comprehensive, and does not claim to be.
None of Huxley’s earliest articles for the Athenaeum
or the London Mercury are here, and a few later pieces I would have
liked to see — the 1944 Harper’s piece on Sheldonism (see
below), for example — are missing.
This is, though, a good representative collection, gathering
between hard covers the whole sweep of Huxley’s thought, as it developed
across forty-four years. *
* * *
* All of Huxleys’ biographers
begin by pointing out that his bloodlines were distinguished, but somewhat
oddly mixed. His paternal
grandfather was Thomas Henry Huxley, the great Victorian biologist, best
remembered for his victory against Archbishop Wilberforce in the 1860
debate about evolution. Known
as “Darwin’s bulldog,” T.H. Huxley advocated scientism — that is,
the belief that there is no area of human experience or understanding into
which science will not eventually advance, or which the scientific method
will be unable to explain. He
seems to have coined the word “agnostic,” and used it to describe his
own position on the mysteries of mind, spirit, and creation.
Aldous’s mother was a granddaughter of the great evangelical
headmaster Dr. Thomas Arnold, the “Doctor” in Tom Brown’s
Schooldays, originator of the “muscular Christianity” style of
boarding-school education for boys, and father of the poet Matthew Arnold
(who was, therefore, Aldous Huxley’s great-uncle).
Dr. Arnold was an intensely religious man, who, when headmaster of
Rugby, was reported to break down and weep openly in front of the whole
school at the story of Christ’s Passion. To what degree these
antecedents, or his consciousness of them, shaped Aldous’s own thinking,
is a matter of some interest, the more so since eugenics — a respectable
field of discussion and inquiry until tainted by association with Nazi
“race science” — is a key topic in Huxley’s best-remembered novel,
Brave New World, published in 1932.
The following things, at least, can be said with certainty:
Aldous Huxley was raised in a family that took intellectual inquiry
very seriously indeed, he maintained a lifelong interest in science, and
he treated the religious instinct with utmost respect.
The high summer of Victorian
scientific optimism in which Aldous’s grandfather had basked was long
gone by the time Aldous reached intellectual maturity.
So — thanks in part to Grandpa Huxley’s efforts — was the
social atmosphere in which serious intellectuals, at any rate in the
Anglo-Saxon countries, could base programs for social reform on
evangelical Christianity, as Dr. Arnold had.
The second and third decades of the twentieth century were
notoriously an age of failed gods and shattered conventions, to which many
thoughtful people responded in obvious ways, retreating into nihilism,
hedonism, and experimentalism. Literature
became subjective, art became abstract, poetry abandoned its traditional
forms. In the “low, dishonest decade” that then followed, much
of this negativism curdled into power-worship and escapism of various
kinds. Aldous Huxley stood aside from
these large general trends. Though
no Victorian in habits or beliefs, he never entered whole-heartedly into
the spirit of modernism. The
evidence is all over the early volumes of these essays.
Ulysses, he declares in 1925, is “one of the dullest books
ever written, and one of the least significant.”
Jazz, he remarks two years later, is “drearily barbaric.”
Writing of Sir Christopher Wren in 1923, he quotes with approval
Carlyle’s remark that Chelsea Hospital, one of Wren’s creations, was
“obviously the work of a gentleman.”
Wren, Huxley goes on to say, was indeed a great gentleman, “one
who valued dignity and restraint and who, respecting himself, respected
also humanity.” In his thirties, in fact,
Huxley comes across as something of a Young Fogey.
“I have grown shameless... I
can watch unmoved the departure of the last social-cultural bus — the
innumerable last buses which are starting at every instant in all the
world’s capitals. I make no
effort to board them, and when the noise of each departure has died down,
‘Thank Goodness!’ is what I say to myself in the solitude.”
Those remarks preface a horrified review of the first non-silent
movie to strike box-office gold, The Jazz Singer. A
beneficent providence has dimmed my powers of sight, so that, at a
distance of more than four or five yards, I am blissfully unaware of the
full horror of the average human countenance.
At the cinema, however, there is no escape.
Magnified up to Brobdignagian proportions, the human countenance
smiles it six-foot smile, opens and closes its thirty-two inch eyes,
registered [sic] soulfulness or grief, libido or whimsicality with
every square centimeter of its several roods of pallid mooniness.
... For the first time
I felt grateful for the defect of vision which had preserved me from a
daily acquaintance with such scenes. Considering that he is thought
of nowadays largely as a herald for some soon-to-arrive future of hedonism
via genetic manipulation, Huxley could be remarkably old-fashioned.
*
* * *
* That “defect of vision”
for which Huxley offered ironic thanks was in fact one of the great
determinants of his life, constraining his movements in the world and
keeping him out of military service during WW1. It began in 1911, when, at
the age of seventeen, he was afflicted with a disease of the eyes
(eventually diagnosed as keratitis punctata, an inflammation of the
corneas) that for several months rendered him actually and completely
blind. Huxley reacted to this
disaster with heroic fortitude. Sent
home from Eton, he took up Braille and used it to pursue his studies.
He even taught himself to play the piano, with one hand on the
keyboard and one on the Braille music sheet.
He wrote his first novel while blind (it was never published), and
spoke of his affliction only to crack jokes about it.
His cousin Gervas Huxley came into his room one bitter winter
morning to be greeted with: “You know, Gerry, there’s one great
advantage in Braille, you can read in bed without getting your hands
cold.” Huxley’s later description
of the state of his eyesight at the time he went up to Oxford in 1913 was
as follows: “I was left... with one eye just capable of light
perception, and the other with enough vision to permit of my detecting the
two-hundred foot letter on the Snellen chart at ten feet.”
Under these circumstances, the recollections of his Oxford coevals
are astonishing. Gervas, in a
comment one feels obliged to read twice to make sure one has got it right,
reported that: “He had read
a great deal while he was blind — working on his own, he read a lot of
things, like French, which we didn’t know.”
Raymond Mortimer, who was a freshman with Huxley, described him as:
“formidably sophisticated... dazzling... The erudition: he had read
everything.” Huxley
graduated with a first in English, having done all the reading for his
degree with the aid of a powerful magnifying glass. To have passed through such a
crisis, at just the age when one is reading with the most attention and
absorption, emerging on the other side of that crisis to impress the
brilliant young undergraduates of pre-WW1 Oxford as a person who had
“read everything,” was a stunning intellectual achievement.
I do not think there is any question that Aldous Huxley regarded
the life of the intellect with utmost seriousness, and worked very hard at
keeping his own mind well-furnished.
He read slowly and doggedly, but constantly, all through his life. Here he is writing to George Orwell in 1949, when the latter,
or his publisher, had sent a
courtesy copy of Nineteen Eighty-Four.
“It arrived as I was in the midst of a piece of work that
required much reading and consulting of references [presumably this was Themes
and Variations, reproduced in Volume V of this Complete Essays];
and since poor sight makes it necessary for me to ration my reading, I had
to wait a long time before being able to embark on Nineteen Eighty-Four.”
*
* * *
* The greatest impact of
Huxley’s near-blindness was on his scientific interests. He had originally intended a career as a doctor, until the
problems with his sight put an end to the possibility.
He might indeed have made a fine research scientist — an
astronomer, perhaps, or a physicist. He felt himself to be that way inclined.
“If I could be born again and choose what I should be in my next
existence, I should desire to be a man of science... [E]ven if I could be
Shakespeare, I think I should still choose to be Faraday.”
It is very easy to imagine Huxley as the more thoughtful kind of
scientist, perhaps turning in later life to the writing of good popular
books about the origins of life and the future of the human race, like
Freeman Dyson, or producing occasional startling science fiction novels,
like Fred Hoyle. He sought out and enjoyed the company of scientific
professionals — the astronomer Edwin Hubble, after whom the space
telescope is named, was a close friend from 1937 until his sudden death
(sitting in his car, in his driveway) in 1953. Huxley was, I believe, a
rather pure specimen of the natural-born scientist, equipped with the
scientist’s tireless curiosity and passion for classifying.
Point Counter Point, the best of his literary novels, is
almost comically a “novel of types” — the equivalent of
Ponchielli’s opera La Gioconda, which has six precisely
equiponderant roles, one for each major vocal category.
Unfortunately, the early failure of his sight denied Huxley the
rigorous disciplines of the laboratory and the peer review.
This threw him back on much more speculation about science
than working scientists — young ones, at any rate — generally go in
for, and thence toward the metaphysical imperative I stated up above.
Edwin Burtt’s Metaphysical
Foundations of Modern Science was a favorite book.
Huxley enthused about it in a 1925 letter to his father.
He recommends it to the reader twelve years later, in the book of
essays titled Ends and Means, and again in the 1946 collection Science,
Liberty and Peace. This
is also the book we find on the lap of Philip Quarles, Huxley’s
fictional self-portrait, when he is crossing the Red Sea by steamship in Point
Counter Point. Burtt,
whose dates were 1892-1989, was a Professor of Philosophy at the
University of Chicago when he published Metaphysical Foundations in
1924, bent on seeking what he called “an adequate philosophy of the
mind” through a study of scientific revolutions and the thinkers who
brought them about. Burtt’s
interests, prefiguring Huxley’s, later turned to Eastern religion:
his 1955 anthology of Buddhist scriptures is still in print today.
The frustration of Huxley’s
natural scientific bent also had at least one malign consequence:
a much too uncritical attitude towards fringe and crank sciences,
especially those that offered some hint of a connection to the world of
the spirit. He was an early
enthusiast for the work of Dr. J.B. Rhine of Duke University, which Huxley
believed had established the reality of extra-sensory perception.
Huxley’s 1954 essay in Life magazine probably did more
than anything else to bring Rhine’s “results” (which rested on a
misapplication of the rules of statistical inference) to the attention of
the broad general public. J.W.
Dunne’s “experiments with time,” which involved sifting through
one’s dreams for episodes of precognition, got Huxley’s attention.
So did dianetics, which was later incorporated into Scientology.
Huxley and Maria, his first wife, had three or four sessions with
L. Ron Hubbard. The body-typing theories of
William Sheldon, the academic psychologist who gave us the words
“endomorph,” “mesomorph,” and “ectomorph,” were another
enthusiasm. Sheldon taught
that every human physiognomy could be placed somewhere on a body-type
triangle, with these extremes at its three vertices.
Associated with each component of body type was a characteristic
personality, which Sheldon named, respectively, “viscerotonic,” “somatotonic,”
and “cerebrotonic.” These
words are scattered through Huxley’s books, and must be very baffling to
readers now, when Sheldon’s theories have sunk into academic oblivion.
Huxley classified himself as an extreme cerebrotonic ectomorph:
he stood six feet four — perhaps another point of affinity with
Hubble, who was six feet five. *
* * *
* Huxley is mainly remembered by
the general public now for having written Brave New World, one of
the two great admonitory novels of the twentieth century. It used to be, and for all I know may still be, a common
classroom exercise for high school seniors to read Huxley’s novel
together with Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four, and then to express
and justify an opinion about which is a more probable future for the human
race. Huxley himself seems to
have been in two minds about the matter.
In his essay on the French metaphysician François-Pierre
Maine de Biran (another “extreme cerebrotonic,” by the way), Huxley
notes that Orwell’s forecast “was made from a vantage point
considerably further down the descending spiral of modern history than
mine, and is probably more nearly correct.”
However, in the 1949 letter to Orwell, Huxley argued that his own
imagined future was the more probable one.
Most of us would agree with
this latter opinion, I think. The
great terror-despotisms of mid-century are a fading memory now.
Their style lingers on in some minor Third World hell-holes in
Africa or Arabia, but nobody bothers much about that.
Those are barbarous places, of which little better can be expected.
The shocking thing about the Nazi and Soviet terrors was that they
had planted themselves in civilized European nations, the nations that had
brought forth Goethe, Beethoven, Tchaikovsky and Tolstoy.
If such things could happen there, they could happen anywhere —
or, as in Orwell’s novel, everywhere.
As Lenin and Hitler recede
into history, the idea that a civilized nation can descend so deep into a
totalitarianism maintained by fear seems less and less plausible.
Huxley’s dystopia, by contrast, is all too plausible.
Indeed, the unsettling thing about Huxley’s imagined future is
that it is not easy for a modern reader to say what, exactly, is so bad
about it. To be sure, we
maintain our democracy, religion is still alive, and our inclination to
join up in pairs and raise our own children seems to be ineradicable.
In many other respects, though, we have settled happily into the
infantile hedonism of Brave New World.
Re-reading that novel recently after many years, I suddenly
realized why it is that I find the current hit TV show Friends so
unwatchable. In the World State of the year 632 After Ford, would not
Phoebe, Chandler & Co. be model citizens?
In the terms of that great Dostoyevskian exchange between the
Savage and the Controller at the end of Chapter 17 in Huxley’s
masterpiece, we have come down pretty firmly on the side of the
Controller, and trust to science to cope with whatever unpleasant
consequences may attend our choice. “What?”
questioned the Savage, uncomprehending. “It’s
one of the conditions of perfect health.
That’s why we’ve made the V.P.S. treatments compulsory.” “V.P.S.?” “Violent
Passion Surrogate. Regularly
once a month. We flood the
whole system with adrenalin. It’s
the complete physiological equivalent of fear and rage.
All the tonic effects of murdering Desdemona and being murdered by
Othello, without any of the inconveniences.” “But
I like the inconveniences.” “We
don’t,” said the Controller. “We
prefer to do things comfortably.” So do we, so do we. Orwell was an essayist as
accomplished as Huxley, though in a very different style.
The two men barely knew each other, their closest contact having
occurred in 1917-18, when Huxley taught at Eton, where Orwell was a pupil.
The letter of thanks for Nineteen Eighty-Four seems to have
been the only one from Huxley to Orwell;
I do not know of any in the other direction.
Huxley was of course an established writer while Orwell was
shooting elephants on behalf of the Indian Imperial Police.
I counted twenty-four references to the older man in The
Collected Essays, Letters and Journalism of George Orwell, including a
couple of prize say-what? Orwellisms.
Sample, from a letter to Richard Rees:
“You were right abt Huxley’s book [Ape and Essence] —
it is awful. And do you notice that the more holy he gets, the more his
books stink with sex. He
cannot get off the subject of flagellating women.” Orwell included Huxley among
those writers he described as “inside the whale,” that is, looking out
at the world through a thick transparent layer of insulating blubber.
The Complete Essays amply confirm this.
Huxley does his conscientious best with social and political
issues, but can never stay moored to plain fact for long.
Soon, after a perfunctory paragraph or two, he soars off into lofty
abstraction. This makes
Huxley’s social and political writing very tedious to read.
Compare his detached, colorless description of a visit to a
coal-mining region, recorded in the essay “Abroad in England,”
with the vivid immediacy of Orwell’s similar excursions in The Road
to Wigan Pier. Similarly,
while Gandhi’s assassination inspired one of Orwell’s finest essays,
it brought forth no lengthy reflections from Huxley, only some offhand
remarks at the beginning of Ape and Essence.
This is particularly striking since Huxley was a pacifist and
admirer of Gandhi, while Orwell regarded the sage with mild contempt.
Huxley seems not to have noticed Pearl Harbor, though he was living
in California at the time. *
* * *
* So what was Huxley’s
metaphysics? His first
sustained attempt to express his outlook in writing was the aforementioned
1937 book of essays, Ends and Means, reproduced here in its
entirety. “It is a dull
book,” said Evelyn Waugh, reviewing it.
He added: “There is
no reason to suppose that in ten years’ time [Huxley] will hold any of
the opinions he holds today.”
In this latter opinion, Waugh
was mistaken. In fact, so far
as metaphysics was concerned, Huxley seems at this point to have settled
into the views that he held to for the rest of his life, and which led him
to those well-known experiments with mind-altering drugs he conducted from
1953 onwards. (In the last
hours of his death from cancer, Huxley asked for, and got, injections of
LSD. He died under the
influence.) Ends and Means
is about a great many things — war, politics, religion, economics, and
the beginnings of a concern with what we should nowadays call “the
environment” — but it is all rooted in metaphysics.
I took that starting quote in my second paragraph from Ends and
Means. Huxley adopted a philosophical
outlook based on mysticism, most especially on Hindu and Buddhist
concepts. There exists a
single universal consciousness, the “Mind at Large,” of which
individual selves are manifestations, extrusions into the world of space,
time, and language. It
follows that our individual consciousnesses, our private selves, are in
principle capable of apprehending the whole of reality.
In Doors of Perception, Huxley quotes with approval the
British philosopher C.D. Broad: “The
function of the brain and the nervous system is to protect us from being
overwhelmed and confused by this mass of largely useless and otherwise
irrelevant knowledge, by shutting out most of what we should otherwise
perceive...” Mind at Large,
says Huxley himself, “has to be funneled through the reducing valve of
the brain and nervous system.”
The contents of this much-reduced awareness are then encompassed
and fixed (in the chemical sense: “to
make nonvolatile or solid”) by language, so that they are, by
definition, all that language can cope with.
Connoisseurs of pseudoscience will spot the parallels with
dianetics here, though Huxley had formed his ideas long before Hubbard
launched his own system on an unsuspecting world in the May 1950 issue of Astounding
Science Fiction. The ethical problem raised by
this outlook — the fact that the Mind at Large is impersonal, and
therefore ethically neutral — is dealt with in Ends and Means by
traditional Vedantic and Buddhist arguments.
Though ultimate reality is neither good nor evil in itself, it is
only by practising goodness that one can hope to attain any real
acquaintance with that reality. My
impression, however — and I had better confess here that I find
metaphysics tiresome, and may not have grasped the full subtlety of
Huxley’s exposition — is that the ethical side of things was never
well thought out. The
Huxley-mouthpiece character in the 1939 immortality novel After Many a
Summer Dies the Swan, for example, argues that evil is intrinsically
inherent in time, and that only by escaping from time can one approach
goodness. It seems that in
order to attain the sole state in which goodness dwells, we must practice
goodness... But, as I said,
it may be my own understanding that is deficient here. All of this was, in Huxley’s
case, pure intellection. He
told Rosamond Lehmann in 1961 that he had never had a religious
experience. He did not actually like religion, as a social phenomenon.
“One is all for religion until one visits a really religious
country.” (He seems to have
India in mind here.) Huxley
took lessons in Indian techniques of meditation from Swami Prabhavananda
at the Vedanta Society in Hollywood. He was not, though, willing to accept the Swami as a guru,
nor to join with him in devotions to Hindu gods.
Huxley was in fact strongly averse to the notion of religion
grounded in culture. He
sought the universal, the common denominator of religious experience.
Writing of Simone Weil, he dismisses as irrelevant the question of
whether or not she knew Sanskrit. [T]he
Upanishads are not systems of pure speculation, in which the niceties of
language are all important. They
were written by Transcendental Pragmatists, as we may call them, whose
concern was to teach a doctrine which could be made to “work,” a
metaphysical theory which could be operationally tested, not through
perception only, but by a direct experience of the whole man on every
level of his being. To
understand the meaning of tat tvam asi, “thou art That,” it is
not necessary to be a profound Sanskrit scholar.
(Similarly, it is not necessary to be a profound Hebrew scholar in
order to understand the meaning of, “thou shalt not kill.”) One is not suprised to recall
that this is the author who, thirty years earlier, had become the first (I
feel pretty sure) to have a character in a novel mention Wittgenstein. In this context, Sybille
Bedford’s account of Huxley’s U.S. naturalization interview makes
curious reading. The McCarran
Act of 1952 had denied citizenship to any person who refused to bear arms
for other than religious reasons. Aldous
was a pacifist, and said so at the interview.
Was he a religious man? asked
the interviewing judge. “Aldous
said that he was indeed a religious man; his opposition to war, however,
was an entirely philosophical one.”
This particular metaphysical circle was never squared to the
satisfaction of the immigration authorities;
though he lived in the United States for the last twenty-six years of his
life, Huxley never did get citizenship, and died a subject of the
Crown. * *
* *
* Huxley himself, in the preface
to a 1959 collection of his essays, gave it as his opinion that: “Essays
belong to a literary species whose extreme variability can be studied most
effectively within a three-poled frame of reference.
There is the pole of the personal and autobiographical; there is
the pole of the objective, the factual, the concrete-particular; and there
is the pole of the abstract-universal.”
He goes on to elaborate a sort of Sheldonian classification for
essayists, with Charles Lamb at the first vertex of the triangle, Macaulay
at the second, and Bacon sharing the third with Emerson and Dr. Johnson.
(I note in passing the absence of Hazlitt from this preface, and
indeed from Huxley’s works altogether.
This seems odd to me. I
should have thought the intellectual affinity quite strong.)
Essayists of real genius, Huxley goes on to say, are those like
Montaigne, who can roam easily between all three poles. My impression is that Huxley
saw himself as dwelling at that third pole with Bacon, Emerson and
Johnson. If I am right about
this, he misjudged himself, as artists often do.
Going through these essays now, decades after their first
appearance, the “abstract-universal” writings make pretty dull
reading. Even at the time
they were published, in fact, they struck some very discerning readers
that way, as Evelyn Waugh’s remark illustrates.
(Ends and Means is almost solidly “abstract-universal.”)
Huxley was actually at his best with some literary, artistic, or
historical material to comment on, or when traveling.
The 1956 essay collection
titled Adonis and the Alphabet offers especially rich pickings
here. If the publisher of
these volumes will forgive me saying so, in fact, I think a person who
wanted to form a first acquaintance with “Aldous of the Essays” could
do worse than find a second-hand copy of Adonis.
(The Adonis essays are in Volume V of this set.)
That comes with a slight qualification.
By this stage of Huxley’s life, metaphysics had become a
hobby-horse, and many of the essays end with a little coda, relating the
principal theme to the need for “direct experience of the basic fact of
the divine immanence,” or
“knowledge of the Whole within.”
After a few encounters with this sort of thing, though, the reader
learns to disregard these metaphysical flourishes, rather as one does the
compulsory moment of sappiness at the end of a traditional TV sitcom, and
just enjoy the body of the thing. Here in Adonis is the
essay titled “Ozymandias,”
the strange, atmospheric tale of the short-lived Llano del Rio
socialist commune, where “everything that ought not to have been done
was systematically done.” Here
is “Hyperion to a Satyr,” an amusing and instructive discourse
on dirt, halitosis, and cognate topics.
Here is a wittily and, to this musical ignoramus, inexplicably
fascinating piece on the Neapolitan composer Carlo Gesualdo (1560-1613),
whose first marriage had an abrupt ending when the lady took a lover.
Gesualdo broke into his wife’s room, slew her and her lover, then
“took horse and galloped off to one of his castles where, after
liquidating his second child (the one of doubtful paternity), he remained
for several months ... to avoid the private vengeance of the Avalos and
Carafa families...” Adonis
also has some fine travel pieces. The
title essay, in fact, was inspired by a visit to the site of ancient
Byblos. Huxley was quite an
accomplished travel writer, and four of these six volumes have separate
sections headed “Travel.” (I
should explain that the general system of organization adopted by the
editors has been to group the essays in each volume under three or four
broad thematic headings, breaking up the original volumes of essays as
necessary.) He early
developed a fine contrarian attitude toward the great spectacles of the
tourist trail. Of the Golden
Temple of the Sikhs: “Holiness and costliness make up for any lack of
architectural merit. For
architecturally the temple is less than nothing.”
This is merely a warm-up for his assault on the Taj Mahal: [I]ts
elegance is at the best of a very dry and negative kind. Its “classicism” is the product not of intellectual
restraint imposed on an exuberant fancy but of an actual deficiency of
fancy, a poverty of imagination. One
is struck at once by the lack of variety in the architectural forms of
which it is composed. ... When the Taj is compared with more or less
contemporary European buildings in the neo-classic style of the High
Renaissance and Baroque periods, this poverty in the formal elements
composing it becomes very apparent. Any idea that Huxley’s
failure to appreciate the Taj Mahal might have been due to his limited
eyesight is soon dispelled by reading his art criticism, most especially,
I think, the earlier pieces in this line.
Poor as his eyes may have been, they did not hinder him from
developing a comprehensive knowledge of art, built on a sound esthetic
sense. (Nor, come to think of
it, from marrying a very beautiful woman when he was young and penniless.)
Huxley sketched and painted as a hobby, at least into his early
forties. All his writing is
sprinkled with judiciously-chosen metaphors from art, as in this crisp
piece of travel writing from Beyond the Mexique Bay.
The location here is Honduras. We
came back from the ruins to find the entire population of Copán clustered round our aeroplane, like a crowd of
Breughel’s peasants round a crucifixion.
Some were standing; some, with the air of people who had come out
for a long day’s pleasure, were sitting in the shade of our wings and
picnicking. They were a
villanous set of men and women; not Indian, but low ladino, squalid
and dirty as only a poverty-stricken half-caste, with a touch of white
blood and a sense of superiority to all the traditional decencies of the
inferior race, can be dirty and squalid.
Before the doors of the cabin stood half a dozen ruffians, looking
like the Second Murderers of Elizabethan drama, and armed with genuinely
antique muskets of the American Civil War pattern.
The local police. *
* * *
* What is left of all this now?
Those “objective, factual, and concrete-particular” essays
aside, Brave New World aside, and the (to my taste) much faded
ironical charm of the early fiction likewise, what else is there in
Huxley’s work that can be read for enlightenment or inspiration by a
person of our time? I am
sorry to say that I think the answer is: very little.
Whether this speaks worse of Huxley, or of us, I am not sure. The abiding impression one is
left with after reading through 2,907 pages of Huxley’s nonfiction
writing is one of seriousness.
That is not, I hasten to add, the same as unrelieved earnestness.
Huxley was not a humorless man, as the early novels and short
stories amply testify, and the lighter essays occasionally confirm.
His style included something of a talent for throw-away apothegms:
“Ignorance is no deterrent to the hardened journalist,” for
example. He was a satirist of
genius; the description of
the California cemetery in After Many a Summer must surely have
given Evelyn Waugh the idea for his own dark comedy The Loved One.
Huxley had, in fact, a well-developed sense of the absurd, and that
conviction — I always associate it with G.K. Chesterton, though it is of
course more widespread — that the universe is radically weird.
Comments to this effect turn up again and again in Huxley’s
writing: “the
astonishingness of the most obvious things,”
“the unutterably odd facts of human experience,”
etc. He was much
tickled to find, when typing one day, that his left hand had slipped from
“c” to “v,” giving him the phrase:
“the human vomedy.” Huxley described himself as
“by temperament extremely anti-social,” but he was not anhedonic,
and the pleasure he took in art, literature, close friendships, and the
ordinary processes of life, are plain to see in his writings. He was, though, a bookish intellectual with chronically poor
eyesight, and his pleasures were mostly of the private and interior kind.
“Fulfilled, domestic duties are a source of happiness, and
intellectual labor is rewarded by the most intense delights,” he wrote
in 1931. “It is not the
hope of heaven that prevents me from leading what is technically known as
a life of pleasure; it is simply my temperament.
I happen to find the life of pleasure boring and painful.”
This fundamentally serious
nature manifested itself in a lifelong concern with the question:
How should we live? The
reason for the current irrelevance of most of Huxley’s thinking is that,
over the past fifty years, the Western world’s educated middle classes
have arrived at an answer of their own that satisfies the great majority
of them fairly well, and this answer implicitly repudiates most of
Huxley’s ideas. We should live, we have
decided, in modest hedonism, tempered and constrained by a similarly
modest respect for traditional moral precepts, these latter encapsulated,
for those of us so inclined, in established religious observances. We entrust the keeping of the peace to armies and diplomats,
not to idealists. We entrust
our social order to policemen and judges, not to hopes for universal moral
improvement. We seek personal
fulfillment in work, hobbies, child-raising, and service to others, not in
the pursuit of Nirvana. If we
want to read about human types, we pick up Psychology Today, not a
novel. For the latest
insights into human nature, we go to Professor Pinker, not to writers of
literary essays. Mind-altering
drugs? They mess up your
life. Demographic or
ecological catastrophe? We’ll
science our way out of it. Metaphysics? Hey, we don’t even understand physics any more!
Leave that stuff to the experts, they’ll sort it out. Undoubtedly there is a worm in this rosy apple somewhere. In human affairs, there always is. The End of History is invariably an illusion; when one chess game stops, another starts immediately. This cheerful embourgeoisement of the world will proceed for a few more years, then take a wrong turn somehow, spreading misery and desperation among people raised in comfort and security, as the traumas of 1914-45 did to Huxley’s generation. Until then, though, we are not in a very serious frame of mind, and seriousness on the Huxley scale does not much interest us. |