Article by John Derbyshire |
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| Why
Don't I Care About the Palestinians? Why don’t I care about
the Palestinians? It is, of
course, wrong of me not to care. It
can’t be much fun being a Palestinian.
You, or your parents, or your grandparents, ran for their lives in
the 1948 war. You — and/or
they, plus a couple of generations of uncles, aunts, siblings and cousins
— have been huddled in some squalid refugee camp ever since, living off
UNRWA handouts. (“UNRWA,”
by the way, stands for “U.S. taxpayer”.
But you knew that!) There
is no economy worth participating in.
Your leaders won a fragmented, halfway sort of autonomy for you at
Oslo; but it didn’t work,
you’re not sure why. Nothing
really got any better, and now the Israelis have smashed it all up anyway.
The other Arabs all hate you (a little-known factor of Middle East
political life, but one attested by my colleague David
Pryce-Jones, who knows the Arabs better than anyone).
Things look bad, and you are sunk in despair. Shouldn’t I feel sorry for you?
Sure, I personally favor
Israel in this conflict. That’s
my right as a free-thinking person. I’m
a Christian, though, aren’t I? Shouldn’t
I have some Christian compassion to spare for the poor suffering
Palestinians? Ask not for
whom the bell tolls, etc., etc. Well, I suppose I should,
but to be honest about it, I don’t. Why
not? Why don’t I care about
the Palestinians? The answer
is NOT any of the following.
The answer isn’t exactly
compassion fatigue, either. That’s
pretty close, though. I am
aware of a certain level of compassion fatigue in regard to the world at
large, and it spills over into the Palestinian issue.
The other day I had the
depressing experience of reading, one right after the other, Stephen
Kotkin’s wonderfully titled “Trashcanistan” in the April 15th New
Republic, then Helen Epstein’s “Mozambique: In Search of the
Hidden Cause of AIDS” in the May 9th New York Review of Books.
The first of these was a long portmanteau review of six books about
the fates of various components of the old U.S.S.R. in the years since the
thing fell apart. The second
tries to discover why a sleepy rural area of Mozambique, populated by
courteous folk practicing a traditional way of life, has high levels of
AIDS. Kotkin’s account of the
ex-Soviet colonies — Ukraine, Moldova, the central Asian and Caucasian
republics, etc. — is hair-raising.
Principal features of the landscape here are utter economic
collapse, “gangland violence among state ministers,” rising
Islamofascism and the flight of large sectors of the population.
(One-third of the able-bodied workforce of Moldova has fled. I have just been reading another report about that wretched
country. Sample quote:
“Experts estimate that since the fall of the Soviet Union between
200,000 and 400,000 women have been sold into prostitution — perhaps up
to 10 percent of the female population.”)
Kotkin writes beautifully about this appalling situation, which
stretches across the entire southern and western marches of the old
U.S.S.R., illuminating his account with memorable one-liners like:
“Ukraine has gotten its state and is eating it, too.” Helen Epstein’s piece on
Mozambique tells of a state of affairs just as awful. The fundamental problem, she discovers, is that:
“These people are so poor ... that sex has become part of their
economy. In some cases,
it’s practically the only currency they have.” The men go away for months on end to work in the South
African mines — where, of course, they console themselves with
prostitutes. The women left
behind survive as best they can, often by becoming the mistresses of the
few local men who can actually afford to eat.
Why are they all so poor? Because
Mozambique has been wrecked by corruption, tribal war and stupid
economics. What a world!
You can only read a certain amount of this stuff before you start
to avert your eyes. What on
earth can anyone hope to do about all this?
All the simple explanations for the horrors that stain a large part
of our planet have been used up. We
now know that it’s not the fault of colonialism, or neo-colonialism, or
capitalism, or socialism. It’s
just the way these places are. They
can’t handle modernity, for some cultural reason we don’t understand
and can’t do anything about. That’s the context in
which I see the Palestinians. The
Palestinians are Arabs; and
the Arabs, whatever their medieval achievements (as best I can understand,
they were mainly achievements of transmission — “Arabic” numerals,
for example, came from India) are politically hopeless.
Who can dispute this? Look
at the last 50-odd years, since the colonial powers left.
What have the Arabs accomplished?
What have they built? Where
in the Arab world is there a trace or a spark of democracy?
Of constitutionalism? Of
laws independent of the ruler’s whim?
Of free inquiry? Of
open public debate? Where in
your house is there any article stamped “Made in Syria?”
Arabs can be individually very charming and capable, and perform
very well in free societies like the U.S.A.
There are at least two recent Nobel prizes with Arab names
attached. Collectively,
though, as nations, the Arabs are no-hopers. All of this applies to the
Palestinians. I spent some of
my formative years in Hong Kong, a barren piece of rock with zero natural
resources, under foreign occupation, chock-full of refugees from the Mao
tyranny. The people there
weren’t lounging in UNRWA camps or making suicide runs at the
Governor’s mansion. They
were trading, building, speculating, manufacturing, working —
with the result that Hong Kong is now a glittering modern city filled with
well-dressed, well-educated, well-fed people, proud of what they have
accomplished together, and with a higher standard of living than Britain
herself. If, following the
Oslo accords — or for that matter, in the 20 years of Jordanian
occupation — the Palestinians had taken that route, had set aside their
fantasies of revenge and massacre, and concentrated on building up
something worth having, I might have some respect for them.
As it is, I don’t. The only halfway
sympathetic thing I can find to say about this wretched people is that
UNRWA has surely been part of the problem.
If you go to the
UNRWA website, you will see how proud they are of having
fed, clothed, sheltered, educated and cared for the Palestinian refugees
of 1948... and their
children... and their
grandchildren. The number of
people UNRWA cares for has gone from 600,000 in 1948 to nearly four
million today. Now, I
understand that the prime impulse of bureaucracies, especially welfare
bureaucracies, is the consolidation and expansion of their turf, and a
steady increase in the number of their “clients”; but this is
ridiculous. The good people
of Hong Kong should go down on their knees every night and thank God that
there was no UNRWA in the colony in 1949.
So, come to think of it, should the German and East European
refugees who flooded into Western Europe after WW2.
(I have seen the number 14 million somewhere — the Sudeten
Germans alone numbered three million. Where are the festering camps?
Where are the suicide bombers?) Even if their lives had not
been poisoned by the ministrations of a huge welfare bureaucracy, though,
I doubt the Palestinians would have got their act together.
None of the other Arabs have.
Everywhere you look around the Arab world you see squalor,
despotism, cruelty and hopelessness. The best they have been able to manage, politically speaking,
has been the Latin-American style one-party kleptocracies of Egypt and
Jordan. Those are the peaks
of Arab political achievement under independence, under government by
their own people. The norm is
just gangsterism, with thugs like Assad, Gaddafi or Saddam in charge.
It doesn’t seem to be anything to do with religion:
the secular states (Iraq, Syria) are just as horrible as the
religious ones like Saudi Arabia. These people are hopeless. We are all supposed to support the notion of a Palestinian
state. Why? We know perfectly well what it would be like.
Why should we wish for another gangster-satrapy to be added to the
Arab roll of shame, busy manufacturing terrorists to come here and
slaughter Americans in their offices?
I don’t want to see a Palestinian state.
I think I’d be crazy to want that. What, actually, are the
possible futures for the Palestinians?
I think the following list is exhaustive. 1.
An independent state, under Arafat or someone just as thuggish. 2.
Military occupation by Israel. 3.
Re-incorporation into a Jordanian-Palestinian nation. 4.
Some sort of U.N. trusteeship. 5.
Expulsion from the West Bank and Gaza, those territories then
incorporated into Israel. Number 1 is what we are all
supposed to want. As I have
already indicated, I don’t want it, and I can’t see why anyone
else would, either. Except
Palestinians, I suppose: if
they yearn to be ruled by amoral hoodlums (as, according to polls, they
apparently do), I suppose they have some theoretical right to see their
wishes fulfilled — but why should the rest of us allow it to happen,
given the dangers to us? Number
2 might work for a time, but the Israelis would eventually get fed up with
it, and then we’d move on to one of the other options.
Number 3 would get us back to the pseudo-stability of pre-1967, but
is deeply unpopular with Jordanians — and look what happened in 1967!
Number 4 undoubtedly has the UNRWA bureacrats drooling, but as with
number 1, it’s hard to see what’s in it for the rest of us.
Aren’t we handing over enough of our money in welfare payments to
our own people? Which leaves us with number
5: expulsion. I am starting to think that this might be the best option.
I’m not the only one, either.
Here is Dick Armey, Republican leader in the U.S. House of
Representatives, talking to Chris Matthews on Hardball: MATTHEWS:
Well, just to repeat, you believe that the Palestinians who are now
living on the West Bank should get out of there? Rep. ARMEY:
Yes. When I say “the best option,” I don’t mean “best for the Palestinians”. I don’t think they have any good options. Being Arabs, they are incapable of constructing a rational polity, so their future is probably hopeless whatever happens. Their options are the ones I listed above: to be ruled by gangsters, or Israelis, or Jordanians, or welfare bureaucrats. Or to go live somewhere else, under the gentle rule of their brother Arabs. Would expulsion be hard on the Palestinians? I suppose it would. Would it be any harder than options 1 thru 4? I doubt it. Do I really give a flying falafel one way or the other? No, not really. |
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